Papua’s Struggle for Identity and Freedom: A Journey Through Colonization and Resistance

Papuan Identity and Indigenous Self-Definition

Papuans perceive themselves as fully human and intrinsically free beings. This self-conception is evident in the ethnonyms employed by various indigenous groups—such as Nit Akhuni (Hubula of Wamena), Amungme-Kamoro (Timika), Mee (Paniai), and Anim-ha (Merauke)—all of which denote the term “human” in their respective languages.

For thousands of years, these tribes have exercised independent governance while maintaining political and economic relations with neighboring tribes. They have demonstrated their capacity for self-determination, autonomy, and sovereignty over their land. Papuans are aware of what they should and should not do, guided by a worldview that sees an interdependence between humans, the cosmos, and ancestral spirits. They also hold a deep belief in a Creator God.

Papua is home to 300 tribes and thousands of sub-tribes. Broadly, scholars classify the Melanesian world into 13 traditional territories: 6 in Papua New Guinea and 7 in West Papua. These include the regions of Tabi (Mamta, Dafonsoro or North Coast), Saireri (Geelvink Bay), Ha-Anim (South Pantani), Lani-Me Paqoo (Pegoo), Lani-Me Peqoo (Pegoo), Sepik, Huon, and Oroko. Recent additions include customary areas such as Chimbu, Mendu, and the Melanesian islands.

Having endured successive waves of colonization for over a century, Papuans face the ongoing challenge of preserving their identity. Yet one thing remains clear: they will never be Dutch, Indonesian, European, or Asian.

Just as every colonial power has its roadmap, the Netherlands and Indonesia have their own plans for West Papua. Before examining this in detail, it is essential to recall the long history of Papuan contact with the outside world.

Papuans in contact with foreign nations

Papua remained largely isolated until the early 20th century. Yet its existence was known to the ancient world; in the second century, the Greco-Roman geographer Claudius Ptolemy referred to the region as Labadios.

The first external contact was made by Chinese merchants in the 8th century, who referred to Papuans as "Senki". In 724, Chinese imperial chronicles recorded the arrival of a black woman sent as a gift by a royal envoy from Srivijaya—possibly a Melanesian woman.

In the 10th century, Arab traders arrived, calling Papuans "sanji", a word akin to Jangge or Zangge in Javanese, meaning black people. Trade intensified with Indonesian kingdoms such as Srivijaya in Sumatra and Majapahit in Java.

By the late 15th century, Papua’s western region became coveted for nutmeg. This spice attracted the interest of the Moluccan sultanates of Tidore and Ternate. The Portuguese and Spanish intensified this trade with their arrival in the 16th century. In 1511, Portuguese sailor Antonio d'Arbau referred to the region as "Os Papuas" or "Ilha de Papo".

Until the late 19th century, foreign presence in Papua was temporary. In 1895, Papua formally entered the colonial era following the Treaty of The Hague, which divided the territory into Dutch (west), German (north), and British (east) zones. After World War I, the German sector was handed over to Britain.

Dutch colonization

On August 24, 1828, the Dutch established Fort Du Bus in Triton Bay, Kaimana, marking their territorial claim. By 1875, they had officially registered New Guinea (West Papua) as a colony.

Dutch activities were initially limited to exploration. In 1910, they founded Hollandia, later renamed Jayapura, now the capital of Papua. Education and healthcare were largely provided by Catholic and Protestant missionaries. It was only in 1944 that Papua became a settler colony.

This colonial phase had three main objectives:

1. To resettle Dutch and Indo-Dutch fleeing Indonesia.

2. To counter the spread of communism from the Soviet Union and China.

3. To prepare Papuans for peaceful independence.

In 1949, JPK van Eechoud was appointed Papua's administrator. Subsequently, several Papuan leaders held key governmental roles. In 1951, Governor Waardenburg developed a 20-year plan:

1. Between 1951 and 1961, to train Papuan professionals and educators.

2. Between 1961 and 1970, to develop a political elite and prepare for full independence by 1971.

However, independence movements gained momentum from 1958, prompting Dutch recognition of Papuan sovereignty on December 1, 1961.

Indonesian colonization

From their earliest encounters, Papuan Melanesians understood that they were not part of Indonesia.

In the 16th and 17th centuries, Tidore and Ternate sultans captured Papuans for slavery. Muslim traders settled in Fak Fak around 1606, exploiting the spice trade. This legacy of subjugation left deep scars in the Papuan collective memory, despite their contributions during the Nuku revolt against the Dutch in the late 18th century.

Under Indonesian occupation, a similar dynamic unfolded. Papuan athletes brought honor to Indonesia in international sports, and artists like the Black Brothers gained fame in the 1970s.

Despite Papuan hospitality toward Indonesian exiles during Dutch rule, on December 19, 1961, President Sukarno declared war on newly independent Papua.

Under U.S. pressure, the UN facilitated Indonesian control over Papua on May 1, 1963. This was ironic, given that Papuans had helped General MacArthur’s forces defeat the Japanese in Biak in 1944—crucial to the Allied victory in the Pacific.

Since 1963, the Indonesian military has perpetrated violence against Papuans. An estimated 500,000 lives have been lost. Indonesia’s agenda appears to be the extermination of Papuans and the exploitation of their rich natural resources, including oil, gas, uranium, gold, and copper. Development programs and the rhetoric of special autonomy serve as cover for these actions.

What future for the Papuans?

For over a century, the Papuan question has remained unresolved. It is time to take a stand and learn from a painful past. Under colonial Indonesia, Papuans will perish. Under a capitalist West, suffering will persist. What, then, is the solution? A return to the Melanesian community is the only path forward.

We must affirm our identity and values. Young Papuans must not fear the struggle. They need not take up arms—just a pen—to express their lived experiences. The most powerful weapon against tyranny is the written word. Without diminishing respect for Egianus and those in the forests, all Papuans are called to resist peacefully.

Students and intellectuals must act patriotically. They are the nation’s ambassadors and must continue telling the world about Papuan suffering and hopes for independence.

With the United Liberation Movement for West Papua (ULMWP), our path is clearer. We aim to forge a new axis: Melanesia – Pacific – Caribbean – Africa. The road is long, but with faith, we will overcome. Let us move forward and never look back.

Markus Haluk